Showing posts with label separation of powers. Show all posts
Showing posts with label separation of powers. Show all posts

Saturday, November 9, 2019

ABA Legal Fact Check: Trump’s Fight with Congress Will Likely Test Separation of Powers

ABA Legal Fact Check: Trump’s Fight with Congress Will Likely Test Separation of Powers

Separation of Powers
American Bar Association
ABA Legal Fact Check
Posted 10/29/2019

In this era of divided government, opposing views originating from one branch of government and volleyed at another are often construed as threats to the separation of powers. The perceived threats cross party lines. President Barack Obama was heavily criticized for calling out the U.S. Supreme Court at his State of the Union address in 2010 for its decision in Citizens United v. FEC. In late 2018, Chief Justice John Roberts rebuked President Donald Trump after the president referred to a judge who delivered an unfavorable ruling as an "Obama judge."

For most of this year, President Trump has resisted efforts by the Democratic-controlled House of Representatives to investigate his official conduct and business dealings, challenging the delicate balance that is the separation of powers outlined in the Constitution. After a White House meeting on Oct. 16, House Majority Leader Steny Hoyer, D-Md., reflected House leadership frustration, saying, "Never have I seen a president treat so disrespectfully a co-equal branch of the government of the United States."

While hyperbolic rhetoric and name-calling are seldom acceptable in a civil society and engender otherwise avoidable disrespect, the legal guideposts that sustain separation of powers are rooted in the U.S. Constitution and case law.

The American structure of government is not the global norm; 104 nations — a majority of democratic governments — have a parliamentary system where the legislative branch is paramount, and the executive has no independent constitutional base of authority. The U.S. Constitution’s first three articles created three co-equal branches of government: the legislative (Congress), executive (headed by the president) and judicial (Supreme Court and lower federal courts). All of the state constitutions similarly provide for these three branches in their state government, and 40 of them explicitly require a separation of powers.

The federal structure reflects the collective thinking of the Founding Fathers, who melded their political philosophy as colonial Americans with their experiences as English colonists. As James Madison wrote in 1788 in The Federalist Papers No. 47, "The accumulation of all powers, legislative, executive and judiciary, in the same hands, whether of one, a few, or many, and whether hereditary, self-appointed or elective, may justly be pronounced the very definition of tyranny."

Through two centuries, this arrangement has produced its fair share of conflict, notes a 2016 Congressional Research Service report. While the Constitution created a separation of branches, it also provided for overlapping responsibilities, such as giving the president a veto over legislation and giving the Senate approval of executive and judicial nominations made by the president. "Most powers granted under the Constitution are not unilateral for any one branch; instead they overlap," the CRS report pointed out.

Over time, power has flowed increasingly to the executive branch, a fact many scholars and commentators attribute to strong presidents like Abraham Lincoln and Franklin Delano Roosevelt rather than to any constitutional provision, statute or court ruling. After 9/11, for example, President George W. Bush adopted particularly assertive ideas about his authority as chief executive. This led to warrantless eavesdropping on American citizens’ phone calls and emails, and Bush’s signing statement declaring his authority as commander in chief to override the Detainee Treatment Act of 2005, with its absolute prohibition on "cruel, inhuman, or degrading treatment or punishment" of prisoners.

When these types of practices are challenged, the courts referee. In the first three years of the Trump administration, for instance, federal judges have halted numerous proposed changes under immigration laws, prompting the White House to issue an Oct. 11 statement titled, "Activist Judicial Rulings Block the Administration From Enforcing Our Nation’s Immigration Laws." Many of these cases are on appeal.

The most enduring U.S. Supreme Court decision dealing with the balance between executive and legislative authority came after President Harry Truman signed Executive Order 10340, which placed all U.S. steel mills under federal control during the Korean War. In 1952, the Supreme Court ruled 6-3 in Youngstown Sheet & Tube Co. v. Sawyer  that Truman had overstepped his authority because he attempted to make law rather than clarify an existing piece of legislation.

Justice Robert Jackson, in a concurring opinion, put forth a three-part test that is still relied upon by courts today in navigating conflicts between executive and legislative authority. Jackson said the president’s powers were at their height when he had the direct or implied authorization from Congress to act; at their middle ground or "a zone of twilight," as he put it, when acting without either a congressional grant or denial of authority; and "at its lowest ebb" when a president acted against the expressed wishes of Congress.

Two decades later, President Richard Nixon attempted to block a special prosecutor’s attempt to secure presidential recordings as part of the Watergate investigation. His attorneys argued both separation of powers and confidentiality. But in U.S. v. Nixon, a unanimous Supreme Court ruled that "neither the doctrine of separation of powers nor the need for confidentiality of high-level communications, without more, can sustain an absolute, unqualified presidential privilege of immunity from judicial process under all circumstances."

"Absent a claim of need to protect military, diplomatic or sensitive national security secrets, we find it difficult to accept the argument that even the very important interest in confidentiality of Presidential communications is significantly diminished by production of such material for in camera inspection with all the protection that a district court will be obliged to provide," the court ruled.

The extent of presidential power in foreign and military matters remains largely undefined. In Zivotofsky v. Kerry  in 2016, the Supreme Court struck down a congressional mandate that allowed a person born in Jerusalem to record the place of birth on a U.S. passport as "Israel." The court said this section in a State Department authorization act constituted an infringement of the separation of powers, because the president’s power to recognize foreign sovereigns is exclusive and overrides Congress’s authority to regulate passports. The court also noted that in separation-of-powers cases it puts "significant weight upon historical practice."

The separation-of-powers argument is likely to move to the public forefront in the coming months as battles between the executive and legislative branches regarding oversight and impeachment play out in the courts. In these cases, judges would be expected to consider legal precedent and the continued viability of Justice Jackson’s enduring three-prong test. Read more

Wednesday, May 16, 2018

Separation of powers lays foundation for judicial independence

John Hardin (Jack) Young
Separation of powers lays foundation for judicial independence
American Bar Association
By John Hardin Young
Posted February 15, 2018, 8:00 am CST


Judicial independence is a bedrock principle of the rule of law.

For America, that principle is grounded in Article III of the Constitution, which provides for an independent judiciary, and in Marbury v. Madison (1803), which established that the judiciary has the "province and duty … to say what the law is."

Article III does not explicitly provide that these powers are separate from the other branches of government. Rather, the Constitution implicitly recognizes the separation of powers through its enumeration of the powers of the three co-equal branches, in which "the judicial power can no more be shared with another branch than the Chief Executive, for example, can share with the Judiciary the veto power, or Congress share with the Judiciary the power to override a Presidential veto." (Stern v. Marshall, 2011).

What is clear is that judicial power is vested in the judiciary alone.

PRESENTING THE CHECKS

Aristotle’s Politics (350 B.C.) identified the three functions of government to be the deliberative (legislative), magisterial (executive) and judicative (courts). He did not suggest that these functions should be exercised separately. In 1748, Charles de Secondat, Baron de Montesquieu, provided the framework for separation: "When the legislative and executive powers are united in the same person, or in the same body of magistrates, there can be no liberty…" (The Spirit of the Laws, 1748).

The framers of the Constitution did not adopt a pure form of Montesquieu’s model. Instead, they paired separate powers with a system of checks and balances. (Madison, Federalists Papers Nos. 47 & 51). This structure formed a decisive feature of the Constitution.

The design was in stark contrast to colonial systems in which single legislative bodies subsumed judicial functions. Thomas Jefferson’s Notes on Virginia (1785) described a General Assembly that "in many instances decided rights which should have been left to judiciary controversy."

The separation of powers has played a significant role in the political struggle between Congress, the president and the courts. Beginning in Marbury v. Madison, the Court established its power of judicial review, making the judiciary the final arbiter of a law’s constitutionality.

Later, in United States v. Klein (1872), the court upheld Presidents Abraham Lincoln and Andrew Johnson’s grant of pardons as proof of loyalty to the Union. Congress passed a law preventing their recognition. The Supreme Court found Congress’ attempt to be an exercise of power outside that assigned to Congress.

More essays on fair courts
About the series

Judicial Independence in the U.S. federal courts
Judicial Learning Center - Judicial Independence
 
APPOINTMENTS WITH DESTINY

More recently, the court in upholding limitations on campaign contributions (and striking expenditure limitations) also struck the method of appointing members of the Federal Election Commission because its members were appointed by Congress. As officers of the United States, however, these members must be appointed under Article II by the president (Buckley v. Valeo, 1976).

In another example, INS v. Chadha (1983), Congress’s creation of the legislative veto to override agency rules was declared unconstitutional—a violation of the executive’s role and thus of the separation of powers.

The Supreme Court’s declaration of acts violative of the separation of powers is not limited to acts of Congress. In Youngstown Sheet & Tube Co. v. Sawyer (1952), the court held unconstitutional President Harry Truman’s seizure of the steel mills during the Korean conflict.

During the Watergate era, the court directed President Richard Nixon to turn over Oval Office tapes to the special prosecutor in the face of his claim of executive privilege (United States v. Nixon, 1974). This resolved an issue of privilege that first arose during the Jefferson administration.

The separation of powers is not limited to high-profile political conflicts. As early as 1856, the court in Murray’s Lessee v. Hoboken Land & Improvement Co. held that a legislative court may not decide "a suit at the common law or in equity, or admiralty" because each involves a judicial function. The court ruled that legislative courts are limited to issues of "public rights involving cases between a citizen and the government."

The separation of powers is a distinctive feature of American democracy. It ensures judicial independence by vesting judicial power exclusively in the courts. The separation of powers (with its related system of constitutional checks and balances) is an essential part of American democracy and American exceptionalism. Central to defining judicial independence is Article III establishment of "judicial Power vested in one Supreme Court" and in other inferior courts. Read more
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John Hardin (Jack) Young is the current chair of the Senior Lawyers Division and a former member of the ABA Board of Governors, chair of the Section of Administrative Law and Regulatory Practice and chair of the Standing Committee on Election Law. 
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Wednesday, June 14, 2017

How many innocent people are in federal prison?

How many innocent people are in federal prison?
Southern District of Florida blog - SDFLA
By David Oscar Markus
Monday, April 24, 2017


Ninth Circuit Judge Alex Kozinski told 60 Minutes that about 1% or over 20,000 innocent people are in federal prison.  "That's a lot of people!" The number is almost definitely higher and yet many federal judges aren't doing as much as Kozinski to check the executive.  And boy do we need a strong judiciary right now with AG Sessions.

We should have our U.S. Attorney nominee this week.  It will be interesting to see if that person is willing to stand up to Trump/Sessions or whether they will go back to the old ways where there is limited discovery, no exhibit lists, etc. etc...Read more

8 comments:

Anonymous said...
"And boy do we need a strong judiciary right now with AG Sessions."

Federal judges already have lifetime tenure. What could be stronger? Immortal tenure? One problem, there is no separation of powers between the judiciary and the DOJ. The DOJ is executive in name only. In fact the judiciary and the DOJ are both staffed by lawyers - all officers of the court - the all part of the judiciary.
10:20 AM

Anonymous said...
"DOJ is executive in name only"? What? Because lawyers work for DOJ? I don't see the logic.
1:54 PM

Anonymous said...
The old way of no discovery and no exhibit lists? That's the current practice.
5:15 PM

Anonymous said...
@ 1:54 PM

Lawyers are neither ordinary workers nor highly skilled professionals. Lawyers admitted to a regulatory bar are "officers of the court" and part of the judicial branch of government. Ex parte Garland, 71 U.S. 333 (1866). As a lawyer admitted to a regulatory bar, AG Sessions is an "officer of the court" and part of the judicial branch of government.

Is this separation of powers ever violated? Yes, all the time. Welcome to dysfunction in government. Unfortunately the DOJ is a lawless, unconstitutional abomination, in my opinion. Recall the US Attorney General (Lynch) privately meet on the tarmac the husband (Bill Clinton) of the person being investigated by the FBI (HRC). Lawyers helping lawyers. DOJ is executive in name only.

The practice of law is a profession the purpose of which is to supply disinterested counsel to others using independent professional judgment. So long as lawyers work as counsel to the DOJ, that's fine. Lawyers admitted to the practice of law are officers of the court and part of the judicial branch of government; such lawyers cannot be part of the legislative or executive branch.

Historically, "The Office of the Attorney General was created by the Judiciary Act of 1789 (ch. 20, sec. 35, 1 Stat. 73, 92-93), as a one-person part-time position..." https://www.justice.gov/about

"However, the workload quickly became too much for one person, necessitating the hiring of several assistants for the Attorney General. As the work steadily increased along with the size of the new nation, private attorneys were retained to work on cases." That is the answer to separation of powers question for an executive branch DOJ. (established in 1870 by ch. 150, 16 Stat. 162, "the 1870 Act"). An executive department, headed by an executive who is not an "officer of the court" (and part of the judicial branch). The executive could be someone with a law degree who is not admitted to practice, that would preserve separation of powers. The executive head of the DOJ would then retain private attorneys/private law firms to work on cases. The result would be a much better functioning DOJ, decentralized, a DOJ that might protect, and not abuse, the rights of the citizens of the United States.

Anonymous said...
3:19 AM

First of all, 3 am? Really? Who is this? President Trump?
Second, you sound like the crazy tax protestors.
Finally, facts are facts:

"The Department of Justice is an executive department of the United States at the seat of Government." 28 U.S.C. § 501

"The President shall appoint, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate, an Attorney General of the United States. The Attorney General is the head of the Department of Justice."
28 U.S.C. § 503
8:49 AM

Anonymous said...
@8:49 AM

Thanks for making my point. 28 U.S. Code § 501 - Executive department, is executive in name only (including USC designation) and found under, Title 28, Judiciary and Judicial Procedure.

U.S. Code: Title 28 - JUDICIARY AND JUDICIAL PROCEDURE
https://www.law.cornell.edu/uscode/text/28

For an example how a legitimate DOJ could retain private lawyers/private law firms to work on cases, see this story in the American Bar Association Daily News, http://www.abajournal.com/news/article/two_law_firms_earned_more_than_1b_to_help_us_pursue_banks/
"Two law firms earned more than $1B to help US pursue banks
Posted Oct 21, 2016 09:27 am CDT
By Debra Cassens Weiss

The National Credit Union Administration paid two law firms more than $1 billion in fees and expenses to help recover more than $4 billion from banks in cases related to faulty subprime mortgages.

The U.S. agency sued the banks to recover money for failed corporate credit unions that lost money holding residential mortgage-backed securities, the Am Law Daily (sub. req.) reports.

Kellogg Huber Hansen Todd Evans & Figel was paid $506.3 million, and Korein Tillery was paid nearly $504.8 million. The contingency agreement by the law firms gave them 25 percent of net recoveries.

NCUA board chairman Rick Metsger defended the contingency arrangement in a statement, according to the Am Law Daily. "Without this fee arrangement, which shifted most of the risk of these legal actions to outside counsel, there would have been no legal investigation of potential claims, no litigation and no legal recoveries," he said."
The foregoing would reduce costs to the government by using contingent fee agreements, and "help recover more than $4 billion from banks in cases related to faulty subprime mortgages."
If you are a lawyer, would your firm like to earn $1 billion in fees?

The U.S. DOJ will not even try to recover billions from banks in cases related to faulty subprime mortgages because, inter alia, the U.S. DOJ is a political agency that is generally unwilling to upset the banks and lending institutions that run the government of the United States.

If I were President Trump, I would have started to implement the forgoing already. While President Trump is a fellow Wharton School alumni, I do not agree with most of his policies.

I was a candidate for president in the 2016 election, see SC16-2031.

http://jweb.flcourts.org/pls/docket/ds_docket?p_caseyear=2016&p_casenumber=2031

For example, I would increase immigration and build cities, not walls.

I would end the war on drugs, as proposed by William F. Buckley, Jr. in 1995, see The War on Drugs is Lost, National Review http://www.nationalreview.com/article/383913/war-drugs-lost-nro-staff

I would scrap Obamacare in favor of either single payer healthcare, such as the business case for single payer FixItHealthcare, or Physicians for a National Health Program, the Expanded & Improved Medicare for All Act, or what congress used to get, see the links below.
3:00 am is a fine time to think and write. Try it some time.

Anonymous said...
Sorry Bernie. Didn't realize that was you. Get some sleep.
1:28 PM

Anonymous said...
https://nosueorg.blogspot.com/

there is too much work left to sleep much...

The Lawyer-Judge Bias in the American Legal System is especially poignant between the DOJ and the judiciary

    https://youtu.be/Hbs_3lePAjE

when the DOJ apparently ignores a US DOJ Civil Rights Division Voting Section Complaint about Florida’s rigged judicial elections.

https://nosueorg.blogspot.com/2017/04/us-doj-civil-rights-division-voting.html

Regarding the 60 Minutes story and shortage of execution drugs, so long as the death penalty is upheld as constitutional, the U.S. Supreme Court needs a compounding pharmacy within its walls to make the killing cocktails. A Justice could then certify the contents of the lethal drug doses...

Judge Kozinski has a point about advocating for the firing squad or even the guillotine as a means of carrying out a death sentence. It was wrong of our government to try and turn executions into a type of ghastly medical procedure.
8:02 AM

Also see, "A foolish consistency is the hobgoblin of little minds, adored by little statesmen." --Ralph Waldo Emerson, SDFLA blog

Monday, November 21, 2016

The election is over

The election is over.

Earlier this month I Petitioned The Florida Supreme Court For Writ Of Mandamus And Constitutional Challenge in the 2016 Presidential Election, where I was also a write-in candidate.

The case is NEIL J. GILLESPIE  vs.  KENNETH J. DETZNER, SECRETARY, SC16-2031

My petition challenged the constitutionality of lawyers (judicial branch) running for president. (executive branch). Under our U.S. Constitution, the three branches are supposed to be separate: Legislative branch, executive branch, and judicial branch. The Florida Constitution also has separation of powers. All state constitutions do, as far as I know. 

I also challenged the constitutionality of political parties, which are not in the constitution. George Washington was not in a political party, and he advised against them.

Evidence in the JamPAC lawsuit suggests the Democratic Party primary was rigged against Bernie Sanders.

Finally, I challenged ballot access laws that make it almost impossible to run as a write-in candidate. Beyond that, it is virtually impossible to become president unless you are the candidate for the Democratic Party, or the Republican Party.  

The Florida Supreme Court put all the documents online, except one, the Order of Dismissal.

The Florida Supreme Court Ordered the Petition and Challenge transferred to the Leon County Circuit Court, where it was dismissed. Neither Order makes sense to me. And I do not understand why my desktop link to the case showed Court Order(s) missing from the docket. Even now the Order of Dismissal is not on the Supreme Court docket.

I was not happy with the 2016 election, or the candidates. We can do better. That is one reason I decided to run. I plan to make additional posts on the Petition and Constitutional Challenge. Thank you.

Neil J. Gillespie